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I used to think housing affordability was just another talking point in America’s political theater—a play in search of a playwright. Los Angeles is now preparing to host the 2028 Olympics, and a new report warns that as many as 320,000 visitors could be left scrambling for accommodations because hotel capacity will not meet peak demand. The proposed solution is to expand short-term rentals. Yet in Washington, the same platforms are cast as villains in a housing crisis that has persisted for decades. Lawmakers debate banning Wall Street firms from buying single-family homes. City leaders blame short-term rentals. Populists blame institutional investors. But this production keeps missing its opening act, and no last-minute stand-in will fix a script built on chronic undersupply and systemic policy failure.

Act one. The U.S. housing market is short an estimated 4.5 million units, and the problem is older than most of the policy staffers diagnosing it. New build completions remain short of their 1970s peaks, yet the chokepoints persist: permitting hurdles delay builders for months, interlopers add $40,000 in taxes and fees before ground is broken, and lot density is throttled where it is desperately needed. Government interference in labor markets, tariffs that inflate material costs, and sluggish infrastructure expansion only exacerbate the issue. Construction projects are patience-intensive above all else, and patience is the currency that bureaucrats tax most. The result? An enduring housing deficit.

The demand curve shifted regardless because finance filled the vacuum that supply could never fill. Federal institutions re-engineered mortgages as the foundational product of household optimism, stoking the hopes of families desperately seeking to fulfill the American Dream. Subsidized durations shifted demand by brokering leverage. Families were incentivized to buy, and monthly payments were manipulated to look sustainable. Durable equity formation was the theory. Durable interest payments became the practice.

Today, monthly mortgage payments routinely exceed $2,600 for principal and interest alone. That’s 37% of a median household’s $83,730 annual income. Compare this with 2008’s typical mortgage payment of $1,735, adjusted for inflation, which represents a 50% increase in housing cost burdens in less than two decades.

The most striking proof of strain is found in who isn’t buying homes. New data from the real estate industry confirms bifurcation by wealth and age. The share of first-time homebuyers is at its lowest level on record, at 21%, while their median age has climbed to 40. The participation rate among new buyers has declined by 50% since 2007, a contraction that predates the app economy.

That, ladies and gentlemen, is how markets buckle. This wasn’t caused by the pressures of innovation moving too fast, but by supply being immobilized while financiers accelerated appetite. The correlation made unaffordability America’s most subscribed-to household obligation.

However, everyone knows that a good play needs a good antagonist. To treat this calamity as a debate about technology platforms misses the opening act entirely. The problem originates in the credit economy and was subsidized to scale, with supply awaiting permission to grow.

Act two. Enter Airbnb, stage right. Born amid the 2008 market crisis, it grew quickly, maturing into an economic case study of rational incentives. By 2023, the U.S. short-term rental (STR) market had surpassed $60 billion, comprising 785,000 hosts with 2.4 million listings across all types, including owner-occupied units with detached casitas and shared rooms in existing homes. Meanwhile, the nation is missing millions of homes. Granularity varies by city, but the magnitude is in the millions of absent units rather than millions of displaced ones.

Empirical work confirms that the STR effects on affordability were economically insignificant. A 2021 study in the Journal of Urban Economics found that STR listings accounted for less than 2% of the variability in housing costs. A separate 2019 report by Harvard Business Review found that a 1% increase in STR listings was associated with a 0.018% increase in contract rents, which is statistically negligible.

So why do Airbnb and its counterparts get cast as America’s housing villains? Because they’re at center stage. The government doesn’t much like admitting fault. By contrast, Airbnb is a brand that everyone recognizes, making it an easy target for opponents of innovation to freeze, personalize, and polarize.

Markets that restricted short-term rentals blamed the false antagonist. Local jurisdictions limited the number of licensed operators, introduced conditional-use permitting, and levied lodging taxes on hosts. Cities imposed bans, yet rents and prices continued to rise along the same stubborn trendline.

What gets lost has been hiding in plain sight: Airbnb is a wealth-building platform for households, not lenders. In 2023, a typical Airbnb host made about $14,000 in supplemental income. Many hosts convert unused square footage into flexible, recurring liquidity they can actually use. Airbnb has become the means by which mortgages are paid. It’s a savior for thousands of Americans trying to claw their way out of a life of indebted servitude.

But this story is also about rights. The board is rigged: the power imbalance between landlords and tenants has swung dramatically. Leases, eviction moratoriums, opaque housing courts, rent controls, and aggressive tenant-friendly statutes have chipped away at landlord material, one precedent at a time. In extreme cases, squatters occupy properties for months while owners contest their fundamental right of access. It’s not checkmate yet, as a landlord may hold the deed, but tenants increasingly have greater control over tempo.

Act three. Enter the incentive reset, stage left. Short-term rentals operate under a different paradigm. There is no conferment of quasi-permanent occupancy rights. There is no slow eviction process that drags through local courts. A guest books for nights, not years. The host maintains control and greater legal access to the asset. Airbnb restored a very American form of self-authorship over property.

If homebuyers were equally nimble and empowered, the mortgage market would resemble the fate of Blockbuster’s late-fee empire. However, homeowners can’t evict an interest charge. That’s a privilege reserved for lenders. The innovators at Airbnb provided households with a free-market lever instead: the ability to reclaim cash and control.

Middle-class owners of all ages aren’t renting out their spare rooms to become hoteliers. They’re doing it to feel American again.

Patrick M. Brenner is the president of the Southwest Public Policy Institute, a think tank dedicated to improving the quality of life in the American Southwest by formulating, promoting, and defending sound public policy solutions. Our mission is simple: to deliver better living through better policy.


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